Nightmare in Red: The McCarthy Era in Perspective

It was a popular thrust which was joined by members of both mainstream political parties. Fried asserts that the model for the anti- communist measures in the belatedly 1940s and early 1950s was in public constructed by Franklin Roosevelt, who expanded the powers of FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to root off disloyal elements in American government and society in the late 1930s and early 1940s.

Fried's theme that the virulent anti-communism ripe by McCarthy was a mainstream movement receives support by iii different episodes. First, Fried recounts the evolution of anti-communism under Roosevelt in the late 1930s. The Depression had spawned considerable support for leftist ideas and many individuals who were employed by New trade wind agencies had flirted with socialist and even communist organizations. This provided an opportunity for those conservatives in both parties who had opposed the New Deal to coming the administration's policies. They claimed that New Deal administrators were acting as fronts for the Soviet-controlled communistic Party. The Nazi-Soviet Pact further fueled fears of a "fifth tugboat" in the linked States, a fear which was partially share by Roosevelt. Roosevelt was focusing upon foreign affairs, convinced that a fight was imminent. Consequently, he expanded the powers of the FBI to investigate foreign influence in the United States. Hoover used this authority to go afterwards

A second example in Fried's thesis is the period immediately following the Second gentleman's gentleman war far-offe. This was the period when the Cold War began, and Americas sensed a glaring communist threat. Anti-communist fervor in the country built up to the point where "patriotic" legislation passed overwhelmingly and the parties traded charges over conglomerate issues as to who was softer on communism. Fears seemed to have basis in heartyity when it was revealed that a spy ring had delivered atomic secrets to the Soviets, which explained how the Soviets had acquired nuclear weapons so quickly. All forms of liberal organizations had to contend with accusations of reds in their ranks.

It was during this period that Hollywood experienced its first bout of blacklisting, with ten figures convicted of contempt after refusing to answer questions as to their loyalty before the House un-American Activities Committee in Congress (Fried 59-86).

[w]hat fueled McCarthyism was an effort on the part of entrenched wealth and of the right in the United States in the decade following the close of World War II to roll back the economic, social, and political gains that had been won during the 1930's by working people and the American left. Although Roosevelt had staved off a gainsay to American capitalism by accommodating demands for progressive deepen generated by the left in response to the Depression, he had surrendered far too much to suit American monied interests (215-16).

Quinn's reprehension is that of the Marxist view of history as a class struggle. He thinks Fried's focus on the mainstream victims ignores the real problem of McCarthyism, the attack on the rights of all its victims, including communists. In making this point, however, Quinn refuses to acknowledge that on that point was a worldwide ideological war going on during that period in history. Fried seems to realize this, and thus believes that the real evil of the anti-communist movement was extremism, rather than simply anti-comm
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