Theravada Buddhism

Gombrich nones that devotional practice in Buddhism is individual, not congregational. That is why the role of the sangha in the development of Buddhism may seem incongruous. However, Gombrich adds that ritual observances are usually conducted in the surroundings of the sangha. The theory come alongs to be that active engagement in ghostlike praxis tends to alleviate the anticipation of suffering (pp. 126-7).

The cultural contemplation of Theravada Buddhism in India and Ceylon owes something to the connection that the sangha has historically had with influential political come acrosss. Gombrich refers to the figure of Asoka, known as a historical king and as a god-king figure of Buddhistic legend. It was in the city command by Asoka that after the Buddha's death the sangha gathered in a doctrinal council in the third or fourth cytosine BCE. (Various doctrinal councils pick out led to sectarian splits within Buddha, e.g., that amongst Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism--p. 158). During his reign, Asoka, a warlike king, converted to Buddhism, publicly declaring 'remorse for the sufferings he had caused in the war and [saying] that henceforth he would conquer only by righteousness (dhamma) (Gombrich, p. 129). Asoka's increased devotion led to increased get through with the sangha, resulting in increased emulation of sangha dress and customs by the nobility and

Gombrich, R. (n.d.). Buddhism and society in ancient India. N.p. 118-71.

Both male and female laity appear to have been involved with external and internal affairs. For example, women are depute social and visitor-greeting tasks, a departure from Vietnamese Theravada custom, which has monks fulfilling such tasks, and a reflection of the realities of the Canadian monastic environment. The treasurer and vice-treasurer, says Soucy, "are unendingly women. This reflects the Vietnamese assumption that women are better at use money than men" (Soucy, p. 101).

Soucy concludes that where division of labor is an issue at Tam Ba'o, the patterns tend to duplicate those of traditional family, with men in positions of authority and women in positions of responsibility--although women do exercise power inner the home (p. 118)

And the whole effect is syncretism for Theravada Buddhism, or making the morality a focus and marker of social cohesion (p. 32). It is not far from this general environment to the larger-scale environment of the nation-state. The well-defined ritual component of Theravada Buddhism, plus its complex doctrines, legends, and sacramental elements, appear to have been harnessed in the service of legitimating the social ready. In this regard, Swearer cites "the regular Theravada chronicle pattern of moving from a discussion of the kings of Buddhist India, the Buddhist conquest of Sri Lanka, and then the Buddha's visit to Lekaing [or some other] closure" (pp. 35-6). The point is that the legendary tradition lends reality and significance to Buddhist thought and integrates it with the life of the people in a given(p) community, even as shrines, reliquaries, and Buddha images lend a sacral smell to the perception of the land itself: "The Buddha sacralizes the land, He becomes the ground of political order and power, through his physical charge, his actual visitations or symbols of his physical presence" (p. 38). This is not at all unlike the symbols associate
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